In Italian fascism, we find the apotheosis of the religion of the nation-state. To not see this is to not understand capitalism.
Just as Bonapartism begins by combining the parliamentary regime with fascism, so triumphant fascism finds itself forced not only to enter a bloc with the Bonapartists, but what is more, to draw closer internally to the Bonapartist system.
The working-class at this point in its history has neither the numbers, nor the organization, nor the self- consciousness to take power in its own name. Rural fascism and city or neighborhood fascism, youth fascism and war veteran's fascism, fascism of the Left and fascism of the Right, fascism of the couple, family, school, and office: every fascism is defined by a micro-black hole that stands on its own and communicates with the others, before resonating in a great, generalized central black hole.
Not is it only what Lenin said, it is happily what makes sense. Poulantzas alleges that the rise of fascism in Germany corresponds to an ideological crisis of the revolutionary organizations, which in turn coincided with an ideological crisis within the working class.
Bonapartism vs fascism
It will have to be in the language of the American people, not in Marxist- Leninist jargon. This was an interesting perception that has some implications I will attempt to elucidate. This fight had powerful revolutionary implications since the captains of heavy industry required a poorly paid, docile work-force in order to maximize profits in the shattered capitalist economy. Many were drawn to Hitler in the deluded hope that he would bring some kind of "all-German" socialism into existence. Churchill made his "cold war" speech and contradictions between the socialist states and world capitalism grew very sharp. McCarthy wanted to purge the union movement of these elements, but not destroy the union movement itself. After all, doesn't racial solidarity supersede class interest again and again in American history?
Even as it offered a critique of existing socialism, it is important to recall that Italian fascism was distinctly and self-consciously socialist, its policy content and character as a movement emerging from the constellation of socialist organizations active in Italy in the early twentieth century.
The SP found reasons to back each and every one of these governments in the name of the "lesser evil". Unfortunately, the art of politics consists of knowing what to do next and predictions of such a sweeping nature are worthless.
Hitler in office becomes much more like the Bonapartist figures who preceded him and seeks to act as a "superarbiter".
I as a bourgeois democracy-- the Weimar Republic. In Italian fascism, we find the apotheosis of the religion of the nation-state. It is the story of how Local of the Teamsters union, led by Trotskyists, defended itself successfully from a fascist expedition into the city. The SP found reasons to back each and every one of these governments in the name of the "lesser evil". At what point are we in American society today? But this wasn't so much emphasising the glory of war as the unity of the French and the suffering that the troops had endured in their cause. A capitalist class bent on taming workers; fascist groups with a documented violent, anti-labor record; industrial workers in motion: these were the primary actors in that period. The socialists had a new party and a new agenda; it was this party in which the young Mussolini first rose to prominence, distinguishing himself as an effective and charismatic leader. Both populist farmer and northern worker saw Wall St. Bonapartism is rooted in the attempt of the French bourgeoisie in to stave off proletarian revolution. Buchanan's nationalism relates very closely to the nationalism of Ross Perot, another ruling class politician. Having arrived in power, the fascist chiefs are forced to muzzle the masses who follow them by means of the state apparatus.
Today we have minute textual analysis of what Buchanan is saying.
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